Academic Freedom in Tunisia: Historical Contexts and Contemporary Challenges

Emna Beltaïef in conversation with Julius Dihstelhoff

In this conversation, Emna Beltaief, Vice President of the Université de Tunis, speaks with Julius Dihstelhoff, MECAM’s Academic Coordinator, on the state of academic freedom in Tunisia. They explore the historical trajectory from the Bourguiba and Ben Ali regimes to the post-2011 era, discussing the persistent tensions between academic freedom and political pressures.  Emna Beltaïef emphasizes the urgent need to protect academic spaces from political interference to ensure a thriving, critical academic environment.

This discussion was part of a joint roundtable organized by MIASA and MECAM, titled “Academic Freedom and Research Ethics: Exploring Dynamics in Ghana, Tunisia & Germany.” Held on October 10, 2024, at Legon Hill Campus at the University of Ghana in Accra, the event aligned with the German Science Year 2024 theme of “Freedom.”

Julius Dihstelhoff (JD): Emna, thank you for joining me today. I’d like to start with a topic I know is very close to your heart: academic freedom in Tunisia. You’ve often highlighted how Tunisian scholars are navigating between their aspirations for greater freedom and a reality that, even in 2024, hasn’t fully aligned with those dreams. Can we begin with the historical context? How has academic freedom evolved from the Bourguiba era (1956-1987) to the Ben Ali regime (1987-2011)?

Emna Beltaief (EB): Indeed, Julius. The history of academic freedom in Tunisia is deeply intertwined with the political trajectories of the country. Under Habib Bourguiba, who led Tunisia after independence in 1956, the state undertook ambitious modernization projects, particularly in the field of education. Bourguiba saw education as a cornerstone for building a modern, secular, and progressive society, distancing Tunisia from its colonial past. However, this vision came with significant state control over academic institutions. Universities were not simply spaces for intellectual growth; they were instrumental in shaping an elite loyal to the regime and its secular, modernist aspirations. This limited academic freedom, particularly in the humanities and social sciences, to align with the state’s political ideology. While Bourguiba’s government promoted educational expansion, it also tightly controlled the intellectual environment to prevent the emergence of dissenting or subversive ideas that could challenge the regime.

JD: So while Bourguiba’s government promoted modernization and secular values, there was little room for intellectual freedom to critique or engage critically with the state’s policies?

EB: Exactly. Bourguiba’s regime was paradoxical. While it championed education and progressive reforms—especially regarding women’s rights and secularism—, there was a clear boundary when it came to political critique or dissent. The state maintained strict oversight of curricula, faculty appointments, and academic activities to ensure that universities remained tools of ideological control. While technical and scientific fields were allowed to thrive, particularly as they served the state’s developmental agenda, disciplines that dealt with political theory, history, or sociology were closely monitored. Academic autonomy in these fields was extremely limited, and intellectuals who dared to challenge the status quo faced significant repercussions.

This control intensified under Zine El Abidine Ben Ali, who came to power in 1987 through a medical coup, replacing Bourguiba. Ben Ali’s regime extended authoritarian control over universities, transforming them into extensions of the state security apparatus. Surveillance was pervasive, and academics had to navigate an environment of fear and self-censorship. Critical voices in academia were systematically silenced or pushed into exile, leading to intellectual stagnation as innovation and critical thought were suppressed.

JD: The Ben Ali era seems to have left a lasting legacy on Tunisia’s intellectual environment. I imagine the 2011 Revolution, which led to the fall of Ben Ali, was a pivotal moment for academic freedom. How did this change the dynamics within universities?

EB: The 2011 Revolution was indeed a watershed moment, not only for Tunisia’s political landscape but also for its intellectual and academic environment. The overthrow of Ben Ali’s authoritarian regime opened up unprecedented opportunities for freedom of expression, including within academic spaces. For the first time in decades, scholars felt empowered to engage in open critique of the government, tackle previously taboo topics, and participate in broader societal debates without fear of retribution. This period marked a revival of intellectual activity, as many academics returned from exile, and universities became vibrant spaces for political and social engagement.

However, while the initial post-revolutionary years brought about optimism, the reality of sustaining these newfound academic freedoms proved challenging. The euphoria following Ben Ali’s ouster was tempered by the complexities of Tunisia’s democratic transition. One of the key political actors during this period was Ennahda, an Islamist party that had been banned under both Bourguiba and Ben Ali. Ennahda’s rise to political prominence between 2011 and 2014 raised new concerns about the future of academic spaces, as some feared its Islamist ideology might impact educational policy and restrict intellectual freedom once again.

JD: Ennahda’s role during this transition must have sparked intense debates within academic circles, particularly given Tunisia’s long-standing secular traditions established under Bourguiba and Ben Ali. How did the academic community react to Ennahda’s political ascendancy?

EB: Indeed, the rise of Ennahda was a moment of both hope and apprehension for many in the academic community. On the one hand, Ennahda’s leadership, especially under figures like Rachid Ghannouchi, emphasized their commitment to democratic principles and the protection of individual freedoms, including academic freedom. They sought to distance themselves from the more radical Islamist movements in the region and presented themselves as proponents of a ‘Muslim democracy’ that could coexist with Tunisia’s secular traditions.

On the other hand, there were legitimate concerns within the academic and intellectual circles that Ennahda might impose an ideological agenda that could undermine the secular nature of Tunisia’s educational system. Some feared a politicization of academic spaces, where religious orthodoxy could influence curricula or limit the scope of intellectual inquiry.

JD: That brings us to the more recent political developments. Since 2019, there have been growing concerns about the centralization of power and its impact on various institutions, including academia. How would you characterize the current state of academic freedom in this context?

EB: The current situation is indeed complicated and reflects broader tensions within Tunisia’s political and social landscape. Academic spaces face daily challenges in safeguarding their independence amidst a backdrop of centralized power structures. Despite ongoing efforts to reform and modernize higher education, academia remains under pressure, with the constant need to assert and protect intellectual freedom and autonomy.

Concerns are emerging that universities may once again fall under political oversight, with diminished tolerance for criticism, particularly regarding governance. This trend is particularly alarming in light of Tunisia’s historical experiences with authoritarianism, where intellectual freedoms were frequently the first casualties when power became concentrated. If these patterns persist, we risk regressing from the academic freedoms fought for during and after the 2011 Revolution.

JD: That does sound concerning, especially given the historical context we’ve discussed. Looking ahead, what reforms or actions do you believe are necessary to protect and expand academic freedom in Tunisia, ensuring that they are not undermined by political developments?

EB: Safeguarding academic freedom requires several key reforms. First and foremost, there needs to be a clear and legally enshrined commitment to the autonomy of universities. This includes protecting academic institutions from undue political interference, ensuring that faculty governance is independent, and that faculty appointments and promotions are based on merit rather than political loyalty. Secondly, academic spaces must be protected as arenas for free thought and open debate, where scholars can engage in critical inquiry without fear of reprisal, whether from the state or other ideological forces.

Additionally, a comprehensive reform of the higher education system is needed to align it with international standards of academic excellence and freedom. This includes ensuring adequate funding for research, fostering collaboration with global institutions, and promoting interdisciplinary approaches that encourage innovation and critical thinking. Finally, there must be a broader societal recognition of the importance of academic freedom as a cornerstone of democracy. The protection of intellectual spaces is not only vital for the advancement of knowledge but also for the cultivation of a politically engaged and critically minded citizenry.

In recent years, the Université de Tunis has made significant strides in integrating artificial intelligence (AI) into its academic programmes as part of a broader effort to reform higher education and promote academic freedom. The establishment of the new “Higher Institute of Digital Engineering of Tunis“, founded in Summer 2024, reflects this commitment to advancing AI education. This institute is at the forefront of offering cutting-edge courses and programmes in fields such as machine learning, computer vision, and natural language processing.

Additionally, research laboratories specialising in AI have been created across multiple Tunisian universities, including the University of Tunis El Manar, the University of Sfax, and the University of Carthage, further cementing Tunisia’s role in global AI research. The University’s participation in international collaborative projects like Horizon Europe also highlights its growing influence in applying AI to fields such as healthcare and agriculture. Moreover, the creation of MECAM as an integral unit of the University of Tunis underscores these advancements, reinforcing the institution’s mission to foster academic freedom through innovation and technological integration.

JD: It’s clear that the journey toward full academic freedom in Tunisia continues, with significant challenges still ahead. In case of the Université de Tunis, it is wonderful that the Université de Tunis, through initiatives like the establishment of the “Higher Institute of Digital Engineering of Tunis,” is advancing higher education reform and strengthening academic freedom through technological innovation. Generally, the insights you’ve shared today really highlight both the progress that has been made and the persistent obstacles that still need to be addressed. Thank you, Emna, for this enlightening discussion.

EB: Thank you, Julius. It has been a pleasure to reflect on these important issues with you. I remain hopeful that, through continued dialogue and concerted efforts, we can realize the aspirations for academic freedom that Tunisian scholars have long fought for.

---

About the Authors

Pr. Emna Beltaïef is a contemporary French Professor at the Faculty of Social and Human Sciences at the University of Tunis. She teaches 20th and 21st century French literature, and more specifically works on self-narratives and the relationship between literature and art. She was head of the Faculty’s French department and then head of the Master’s commission in the French department. She is currently Vice-President of the University of Tunis and a fellow of the MECAM.

Dr. Julius Dihstelhoff has served since May 2020 as Academic Coordinator for the Merian Centre for Advanced Studies in the Maghreb (MECAM), which is based in Tunis. He is also post-doctoral research fellow in the Department of Politics at the Centre for Near and Middle Eastern Studies (CNMS) at Philipps University Marburg. His research focuses on Political Islam and German foreign policy in the Arab world since the so-called Arab Spring, with a special focus on Tunisian transformation processes.

---

Citation: Emna Beltaïef & Julius Dihstelhoff, Academic Freedom in Tunisia: Historical Contexts and Contemporary Challenges, in: TRAFO – Blog for Transregional Research, 28.11.2024, https://trafo.hypotheses.org/53789

 

 

---

---