Ukrainian Women in Lebanon: Resilience, Activism, and Transnational Engagement Amid Crisis
By Guita Hourani
The approximate 4,000 Ukrainians residing in Lebanon, mostly women married to Lebanese men, epitomize a community facing a complex web of challenges. Amid Lebanon’s enduring economic and political upheavals and the relentless war in Ukraine, these women display remarkable resilience in navigating dual crises.

CONTEXT
Since 2019, Lebanon has been mired in a severe economic and political crisis, exacerbated by financial collapse, currency devaluation, and stringent restrictions on bank withdrawals. Concurrently, Ukraine has been besieged by Russian aggression since 2022. Within this turbulent context, Ukrainian immigrants in Lebanon find themselves confronting instability in their host country while enduring the anguish of war in their homeland. This duality compels them to manage personal and collective crises, balancing their immediate environment’s uncertainties with concerns for their loved ones and their nation’s fate.
Predominantly[i] comprising women who relocated to Lebanon through marriages with Lebanese men, [ii] the Ukrainian community in Lebanon, along with their children from these unions, forms an integral segment of the global Ukrainian diaspora. Despite geographical separation, they sustain robust connections to Ukraine, actively engaging in cultural activities, maintaining ties with their homeland, and participating in diasporic politics. The Russian invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, catalyzed their involvement, accentuating their profound connections and unwavering support for their native country.
The invasion starkly illuminated the Ukrainian diaspora‘s enduring bond with their homeland. Globally, Ukrainians mobilized to offer humanitarian aid and engage in political advocacy. From the invasion’s inception, migrant-led organizations and diaspora members swiftly coordinated to provide communication support, financial aid, resources, and volunteer services. [iii]
Similarly, the Ukrainian community in Lebanon has coalesced, driven by a profound sense of patriotism and a fervent desire to assist. This community has emerged as a potent voice for Ukraine in Lebanon. Through protests, fundraising events, and social media postings, they inspire others to join their cause, garner genuine sympathy from the Lebanese populace, and furnish critical material support to those on the frontlines.
The simultaneous crises in both their homeland and host country place Ukrainian diasporans in Lebanon in a particularly challenging position, especially as they endeavor to respond to the crisis in Ukraine through humanitarian aid and political activism. Such efforts in Lebanon necessitate careful consideration of health safety amid the COVID-19 pandemic, maintaining communication networks to mobilize the community, and ensuring access to gasoline for transportation — each of which posed significant challenges throughout that pivotal February and the remainder of 2022. Nevertheless, these women have demonstrated remarkable adeptness in overcoming these obstacles, showcasing exceptional organizational skills, unwavering courage, and steadfast commitment. Their resilience and resourcefulness have enabled them to not only cope with these dual crises but also to actively support their communities and advocate fervently for their homeland.
Against this backdrop of complex circumstances, the fieldwork unfolded with two overarching hypothesis: firstly, that regardless of the diaspora’s size, they can influence both the host and home countries during times of crisis; and secondly, that the engagement of diasporic women in diaspora politics will leave a lasting impact on their political views and activism. These political engagements challenge traditional conceptions of women’s roles in the diaspora and pave the way for increased political involvement.
RESEARCH METHODOLOGY
Given the prevailing conditions in Lebanon, an online survey was chosen as the primary method for collecting data from the Ukrainian population for this original research project. The questionnaire was made available in both English and Ukrainian to ensure broad accessibility. It was hosted on Google Forms and disseminated via Facebook and WhatsApp, with the support of Ukrainian organizations in Lebanon.
The survey was conducted from mid-February to mid-April 2023, and it garnered responses from sixty-four (64) first-generation Ukrainian women immigrants in Lebanon. The collected data was subsequently analyzed and supplemented with literature and media reviews.
Anchored in theories of diaspora engagements (e.g., Kalantzi 2022; Koinova 2017; Van Hear 2015), the primary aim of this research is to document the motivations driving Ukrainian women in Lebanon to engage in responses to the invasion of their country, their humanitarian efforts, political activism, advocacy for public policy changes, and their perceptions of the socio-political roles of diasporic women.
It is important to acknowledge that, despite the non-representative sampling, the actions of Ukrainian women in Lebanon in response to the aggression against their homeland reflect behaviors observed in other diasporic communities concerning humanitarian and political involvement (e.g., Kurds, Iraqi, Iranian, Myanmar, among others). Consequently, our research findings could have broader implications in analogous contexts.
FINDINGS
Gendered Community
Our fieldwork revealed that the Ukrainian community in Lebanon is predominantly female, with women constituting over 90% of the total population. A demographic analysis of our survey participants indicated that half (50%) were between the ages of 35 and 44. Additionally, 23% were within the 45 to 54 age range, while 20% were aged 25 to 34. This predominance of women aged 35 to 44 among our respondents highlights a significant trend of migration among women during their peak working and reproductive years. This demographic trend not only highlights the gendered nature of the Ukrainian community in Lebanon but also aligns with broader global patterns of female migration. Women in their prime working and reproductive years often migrate in pursuit of economic opportunities, family reunification, education, or marriage, a phenomenon well-documented in migration studies.
Nascent Community
An analysis of residency durations among respondents reveals a spectrum ranging from 1 to 35 years, suggesting migration post the Lebanese Civil War (1975-1990). This fact highlights the relatively recent phenomenon of Ukrainian migration to Lebanon, emerging in the early 1990s following the dissolution of the Soviet Union and Ukraine’s independence declaration. Consequently, this community is relatively new compared to Ukrainian migrations to other parts of the world.
Reasons for Migration
Survey results indicate that a significant number of respondents, comprising 91%, are currently married. This suggests that the migration of Ukrainian women to Lebanon is not primarily driven by factors such as the feminization of migration or job opportunities. Instead, it appears that the primary reason for their migration is marital, either being married to a Lebanese individual or relocating to Lebanon with their husbands. These women do not consider Lebanon as their first choice for employment or economic prospects. This deduction is supported by the significant presence of Ukrainian women living in Lebanon, indicating that their choice to migrate to Lebanon is primarily influenced by familial or marital considerations rather than economic factors.
Motivation for Activism
The examination of the reasons why Ukrainian women in Lebanon participate in political and humanitarian activities in Ukraine uncovers a wide variety of factors motivating their active engagement during the conflict. Emotions, principles, and connections emerge as significant motivators, highlighting the diverse nature of their commitment. These findings encompass both personal and altruistic considerations, illustrating the compound interplay of feelings and responsibilities that shape the dedication of diasporan women to addressing challenges. These motivations often intertwine and reinforce each other, particularly during times of crisis.
Humanitarian Activism
Despite facing numerous challenges, Ukrainian women in Lebanon have demonstrated unwavering commitment to humanitarian aid similar to other Ukrainian diasporic communities. They actively provide financial support to organizations aiding Ukraine. Additionally, many women engage in fundraising activities and contribute essential supplies to alleviate the suffering caused by the conflict. Through various charity events, Ukrainian women have successfully raised funds to support their kin, kith, and the national defense efforts.
Online Activism for Ukraine
The participants, in their support for Ukraine amidst Russian aggression, employed a variety of online activism tactics. A significant majority shared important narratives, while many expressed their political views on Facebook. They also showed solidarity through liking posts, sharing their own first-hand perspectives, spreading international news, discrediting misinformation and utilizing hashtags. Some actively worked to discredit false information and participated in media interviews or wrote insightful blogs. One participant even initiated a newsletter focused on Ukraine. Although signing electronic or online petitions may result in a permanent record of one’s political beliefs on the Internet, these women signed them wholeheartedly. Their digital activism demonstrates their adeptness in utilizing platforms to combat Russian disinformation, highlighting diasporas as influential players in the global information warfare arena.
Transnational Political Action and Public Policy Advocacy
A significant number of survey participants expressed their involvement in signing petitions as a means of engaging in transnational political activities. Specifically, the majority of respondents signed petitions denouncing Russian aggression and standing with Ukraine, advocating for an end to the war, criminalizing Russia’s regime, and call to bring President Vladimir Putin to justice for genocide. These actions underscore their commitment to expressing their position on the geopolitical situation, highlighting the importance of political accountability, and serving as visible and influential voices of dissent, urging for international intervention.
In terms of public policy advocacy, all respondents called on the international community to preserve Ukraine’s territorial integrity, advocate for an international tribunal for Russia’s military crimes, demand an immediate ceasefire, and provide military equipment. Over half of the participants urged for tracking war crimes and ensuring accountability, protecting nuclear sites during conflicts, freezing assets and revoking visas of Putin and his associates, and increasing sanctions on Russian banks. Additionally, they called for defensive military assistance, hosting and supporting refugees, creating safe spaces for civilians, and waiving restrictive visa policies to support safe routes for refugees. Some respondents also opposed the UK’s Nationality and Borders Bill, commonly known as the “Anti-Refugee Bill.” While transnational political action involves direct engagement in political activities such as signing petitions and participating in protests to influence public opinion and call for international intervention, public policy advocacy focuses on specific policy demands to address the crisis, urging international bodies and governments to take concrete actions. Both forms of activism illustrate the proactive stance of Ukrainian women in Lebanon, reflecting their parallel actions to those of the larger Ukrainian diasporas who work to influence international opinion and policy in support of Ukraine.
Perception of Diasporic Women’s Socio-Political Role
The perception of diasporic women’s socio-political role, as articulated by the respondents, is intricately tied to their understanding of politics. They view themselves not merely as cultural representatives but also as educators, particularly for their children from mixed marriages. Their aim is to imbue knowledge of Ukrainian language, history, and traditions, alongside a commitment to humanitarianism, addressing the needs of their homeland, and diligently fostering appreciation for their country on the global stage. While commendable, these perspectives are deeply rooted in the narrative context of Ukrainian “neo-traditionalism.”[iv] In this framework, the family assumes a pivotal role as the cornerstone of the nation, with mothers occupying revered positions as primary transmitters of national identity, culture, and language to their children. This perspective amalgamates traditional family values with a strong sense of national identity, spotlighting women’s roles as both nurturers and custodians of cultural heritage. However, the landscape has undergone significant shifts in the wake of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. In transnational settings, particularly amidst conflict in their homeland, women encounter both opportunities and challenges in reconciling traditional gender roles with the exigencies of wartime circumstances, including military and non-combat roles. The once prevalent neo-traditionalist ideology has evolved into an “emancipatory ethos” within Ukraine’s resistance movement. [v] Whether consciously acknowledged or not, Ukrainian women, both at home and in the diaspora, have emerged as pivotal figures in the resistance against Russian aggression, evincing a heightened sense of agency.[vi] This newfound agency presents an opportunity to leverage initiatives aimed at reshaping societal perceptions of women’s roles and promoting their political engagement as a valuable asset in post-war Ukrainian politics, social justice,[vii] and development.
OBSERVATIONS AND CONCLUSIONS
Observations
Political Perception
The term “political engagement” was met with reluctance by Ukrainian women in Lebanon, as it carried negative connotations within Ukrainian society. This hesitancy to actively participate in the survey can be attributed to a broader cultural attitude towards politics in Ukraine. In Ukrainian culture, political involvement is often seen unfavorably, possibly due to historical circumstances or societal norms that discourage active engagement. To challenge these deep-rooted beliefs, it is crucial to educate women, especially the youth, as well as men, to change that perception and stress the importance of female participation and representation in politics. Men and women need to realize that the presence of women in politics is vital for fostering a fair and prosperous society. Their inclusion ensures that the concerns and requirements of all citizens are taken into account, leading to governance that is more equitable and efficient. Moreover, their participation enhances the nation’s international competitiveness, contributing to its overall success and advancement.
Symbolism in Protest
At the heart of their transnational political activities, many Ukrainian women found themselves at the forefront of political demonstrations, protests, and marches. Their involvement was not merely about raising their voices but also about embedding powerful symbols into the fabric of their movements, ensuring resonance not only among fellow Ukrainians worldwide but also with global audiences following their narratives through the media. Protest symbols wield considerable influence within political and social spheres, serving as catalysts for collective memory, unity, and solidarity.[viii] One of the most prominent symbols was the Ukrainian flag. Waving high in the air, it stood as a beacon of independence, solidarity, and unity. Its colors and presence invoked a sense of national pride and collective purpose among the protesters, creating a visual narrative of a nation’s struggle and resilience. Another significant emblem was the trident, or “tryzub.” As Ukraine’s most iconic symbol, it bridged the gap between the past and the present, honoring those who had fought for the country’s independence while inspiring those continuing the fight. The trident is more than just a symbol; it is a testament to Ukraine’s enduring spirit and historical legacy. Equally captivating was the flower crown, or “vinok.” Adorning the heads of many women and girls, it symbolized strength, determination, and beauty. The vinok connected the protesters to their cultural roots, presenting an image of resilience and grace amidst adversity. These symbols collectively forged a unifying identity for the protesters. They linked Ukrainians across the globe, conveying a powerful message of solidarity with those at home who were resisting or fighting. Through these symbols, the protesters communicated their cause vividly and emotionally, leaving a lasting impact on all who witnessed their struggle.
Conclusion
The study illuminates the resilience and engagement of Ukrainian women in Lebanon amid simultaneous crises, highlighting their efforts in humanitarian and political endeavors to support Ukraine. Looking ahead, it’s crucial for future research to delve into the various motivations, challenges, and contributions of diasporic communities like Ukrainian women in Lebanon. This exploration can offer valuable insights into migration patterns, identity development, and transnational activism. Such research has the potential to enhance policies aimed at aiding migrant populations facing multifaceted challenges and to deepen our understanding of diaspora involvement in transnational affairs.
In conclusion, the findings of this study corroborate the validity of the two overarching hypotheses that guided our fieldwork. Firstly, irrespective of the diaspora’s size, our research highlighted their capacity to wield influence not only within host nations but also in their countries of origin, particularly during periods of crisis. Secondly, the active participation of diasporic women in diaspora politics has yielded tangible outcomes, illuminating a transformative trajectory in their political views and activism. These engagements challenge entrenched notions of gender roles within diasporic communities, heralding a paradigm shift towards heightened political involvement.
Footnotes
[i] Raef, I. (2022, March 15). مئة عام على الهجرة الأوكرانية إلى لبنان. AlModon. https://shorturl.at/tJTpn.
[ii] Defining an international marriage presents inherent challenges. Nonetheless, within the scope of our research, transnational/international/cross-border marriages defined here as the legal union of two individuals from two different nation-states. Lumayag, L. A. (2016). CHAPTER 3 Marriage “During” Work Migration: Lived Experiences of Filipino Marriage Migrants in Malaysia (pp. 73-102). In S. K. Ishii (Ed.), Marriage Migration in Asia: Emerging Minorities at the Frontiers of Nation-States. NUS Press, Kyoto University Press. https://www.jstor.org/stable/j.ctv1xz02c?turn_away=true.
[iii] Hincu, D. (June 10, 2022). The Diaspora Response to War in Ukraine. ICMPD. https://www.icmpd.org/blog/2022/the-diaspora-response-to-war-in-ukraine.
[iv] Strelnyk, O. (2014). State Neotraditionalism and Family Policy in Ukraine. Sociological Studies, 9. In Russian. https://www.elibrary.az/docs/JURNAL/jrn2014_593.pdf.
[v] Phillips, S. D., & Martsenyuk, T. (2023). Women’s Agency and Resistance in Russia’s War on Ukraine: From Victim of the War to Prominent Force. Women’s Studies International Forum, 98. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2023.102731.
[vi] Odarchenko, K. (2021, April 28). Ukrainian Women Make Strides Toward Political Engagement, but Barriers Remain. A Blog of the Kennan Institute. https://www.wilsoncenter.org/blog-post/ukrainian-women-make-strides-toward-political-engagement-barriers-remain.
[vii] Nikolayenko, O., & DeCasper, M. (2018). Why Women Protest: Insights from Ukraine’s EuroMaidan. Slavic Review, 77(3), 726–751. https://www.jstor.org/stable/26565656.
[viii] Liao, T. F. (2010). Visual Symbolism, Collective Memory, and Social Protest: A Study of the 2009 London G20 Protest. Social Alternatives, 29(4), 37-43. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/272943066_Visual_Symbolism_Collective_Memory_and_Social_Protest_The_Case_of_the_2009_London_G20_Protest.
About the Author
With a Ph.D. in Global Studies from Tokyo University of Foreign Studies in Japan, Dr. Guita Hourani has established herself as a prominent figure in the fields of migration, refugees, citizenship, foreign labor, and youth and women’s employment. Highlights of Dr. Hourani’s career include the founding of the Lebanese Center for Migration and Diaspora Studies at Notre Dame University, where she significantly contributed to the global understanding of Lebanese migration dynamics. In addition to her academic pursuits, Dr. Hourani has provided expert testimony in complex legal cases involving immigration, naturalization, asylum, and family law. She also serves as a country information expert for several international institutions. Before her return to Lebanon, Dr. Hourani worked as a consultant in Washington, D.C., with notable engagements, including collaborations with the World Bank. Currently, she serves as an Expert on Citizenship at the European Union Democracy Observatory on Citizenship (EUDO) and holds senior research fellow positions at Ukraine Catholic University, Ukraine; Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, Japan; and the Holy Spirit University, Lebanon.
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Citation: Guita Hourani, Ukrainian Women in Lebanon: Resilience, Activism, and Transnational Engagement Amid Crisis, in: TRAFO – Blog for Transregional Research, 13.06.2024, https://doi.org/10.58079/11tec
OpenEdition suggests that you cite this post as follows:
Forum Transregionale Studien (June 13, 2024). Ukrainian Women in Lebanon: Resilience, Activism, and Transnational Engagement Amid Crisis. TRAFO – Blog for Transregional Research. Retrieved March 21, 2025 from https://doi.org/10.58079/11tec